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ATMs
Getting money from ATMs is annoying in Brazil. In both SP and RJ, none of the bank ATMs I tried accepted international cards. Only Banco24 Horas ATMs have worked for me and offer the lowest withdrawal fee of 24 R (if your bank charges one). The withdrawal max for one transaction is 1,000 R.
Do not use the blue ATMs that say 24 h (I forgot the full name) because they have both a withdrawal fee of 49 R and an additional surcharge that is a percentage of the amount. For 1,900 R they wanted a surcharge of 251 R. Talk about a ripoff.
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[QUOTE=VoodooJones;3012261]Getting money from ATMs is annoying in Brazil. In both SP and RJ, none of the bank ATMs I tried accepted international cards. Only Banco24 Horas ATMs have worked for me and offer the lowest withdrawal fee of 24 R (if your bank charges one). The withdrawal max for one transaction is 1,000 R.
Do not use the blue ATMs that say 24 h (I forgot the full name) because they have both a withdrawal fee of 49 R and an additional surcharge that is a percentage of the amount. For 1,900 R they wanted a surcharge of 251 R. Talk about a ripoff.[/QUOTE]I've always used Bradesco and never had any issues. No withdrawal fee too.
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[QUOTE=XXL;3011696]If I remember right it was my Visa Debit that let me down at Bradesco's in Sao Paulo. I then switched to my Master Credit and got my money. I've noticed my debit card has had a lower success rate all than my credit cards (all over the world), whether at ATMs or for online purchases.[/QUOTE]I used Visa debit card at Bradesco ATMs in SP and Rio without any issue for the last 6 years until last month. Strange thing is that all my cash withdrawals last month were approved by my bank but were declined by Bradesco in multiple cities.
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[QUOTE=VoodooJones;3012261]Getting money from ATMs is annoying in Brazil. In both SP and RJ, none of the bank ATMs I tried accepted international cards. Only Banco24 Horas ATMs have worked for me and offer the lowest withdrawal fee of 24 R (if your bank charges one). The withdrawal max for one transaction is 1,000 R.
Do not use the blue ATMs that say 24 h (I forgot the full name) because they have both a withdrawal fee of 49 R and an additional surcharge that is a percentage of the amount. For 1,900 R they wanted a surcharge of 251 R. Talk about a ripoff.[/QUOTE]I am not sure which bank's debit card you are using. You should consider getting an account with Schwab, Capital One or some other reputable bank that doesn't charge foreign transaction fee and refunds ATM fees.
I have used Bradesco or Santander banks, and they are very reliable. Most of their ATMs charge 20 are and very a few here and there may charge 50 are (just find another ATM with lower fee). Never ever accept the currency option provided by ATMs or credit card machines anywhere in the world, just decline and let you bank decide the exchange rate which usually is very close to the exchange rate (it is the case with Schwab, CapitalOne and other reputable banks).
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[QUOTE=Lalabo;3012291]I am not sure which bank's debit card you are using. You should consider getting an account with Schwab, Capital One or some other reputable bank that doesn't charge foreign transaction fee and refunds ATM fees.
I have used Bradesco or Santander banks, and they are very reliable. Most of their ATMs charge 20 are and very a few here and there may charge 50 are (just find another ATM with lower fee). Never ever accept the currency option provided by ATMs or credit card machines anywhere in the world, just decline and let you bank decide the exchange rate which usually is very close to the exchange rate (it is the case with Schwab, CapitalOne and other reputable banks).[/QUOTE]I have Charles Schwab, I added the fees for informational purposes. And it didn't work at the local Bradesco. When I called CS, they didn't even see an attempt to access the card at that ATM or any of the others I had tried (didn't try Santander, but I assume they would be better because they're in the US). Some ATMs spit out my card a few seconds after I inserted it, saying the number was invalid or it was expired. I went to Banco24 Horas right after the call and got cash. The blue 24 h ATM I mentioned in my previous post was there too and I tried my card successfully just to see if it worked, but obviously didn't take money out due to the surcharge they add if you decline their conversion rate.
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[QUOTE=Nounce;3011882]You rarely see anyone stay that long in Brazil. If you want to come, one strategy it to travel all over the country. The report that mat interest you will be from Epresso (or something like that) and Sperto.[/QUOTE]If they had enough new women to try out I would stay longer like the other countries I had visited. For outdoorsy stuff I go to the Philippines. They have so many islands, beaches, and waterfalls that I love.
Had a question but your box if full.
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[QUOTE=VoodooJones;3012409]I have Charles Schwab, I added the fees for informational purposes. And it didn't work at the local Bradesco. When I called CS, they didn't even see an attempt to access the card at that ATM or any of the others I had tried (didn't try Santander, but I assume they would be better because they're in the US).[/QUOTE]I had exactly same experience with Santander ATM in Sao Paolo.
BTW, I was in Brazil month ago, and several days ago my bank declined several transactions originated in Brazil. They waited one month and when tried to use my card.
I used my card only in clubs and respectable restaurants. For my next trip, I am thinking about temporary debit card, which I can cancel after leaving Brazil.
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[QUOTE=Guest19;3012492]I had exactly same experience with Santander ATM in Sao Paolo.
BTW, I was in Brazil month ago, and several days ago my bank declined several transactions originated in Brazil. They waited one month and when tried to use my card.
I used my card only in clubs and respectable restaurants. For my next trip, I am thinking about temporary debit card, which I can cancel after leaving Brazil.[/QUOTE]I think you are talking about 2 different issues here. 1. the debit card and SP ATM cash withdrawals and 2. CC risks / exposures.
On debit card cash withdrawals: use the "Schwab, Capital One or some other reputable bank {debit card} that doesn't charge foreign transaction fee and refunds ATM fees" as Lalabo recommends. I always bring 2 debit cards with me on a trip just in case; my Schwab and Needham zero fee debit cards. My best cash withdrawal experiences are with large Bradesco banks like the one on Av. Brig. Faria Lima, 2157 across the street from the ritzy Iguatemi Shopping mall and the ATM machines found inside the Grand Hyatt and the Marriott Executive Apartment Hotel. If you are staying at these 2 hotels you won't need to go to the bank. Oy yeah, I never use my debit card for purchases.
On CC usage: I always bring several favorite CC's on a trip and I CHARGE everything which eliminates the need to carry large amounts of cash and fumble around with small denominations. The only item I still use cash for are the girls. I want my girls to see exactly where the money is coming from, ME.
On CC risks: you post, "They waited one month and when tried to use my card. "So, what's the problem? You CC did exactly what it is supposed to do; protect the consumer. I assume that you reported the fraudulent activity on your card to your bank as soon as you became aware of it and I am equally sure that your CC bank's response was to immediately freeze your CC account and credit your account for the false charges. This is one of the main reasons to use CC's aside from the convenience. The CC has your back. Just be sure to bring several on your trips in case one of your cards gets targeted.
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[QUOTE=Guest19;3012492]I had exactly same experience with Santander ATM in Sao Paolo.
BTW, I was in Brazil month ago, and several days ago my bank declined several transactions originated in Brazil. They waited one month and when tried to use my card.
I used my card only in clubs and respectable restaurants. For my next trip, I am thinking about temporary debit card, which I can cancel after leaving Brazil.[/QUOTE]I only load up my Charles Schwab debit card when I'm traveling. After this trip, I'll move the money back into my primary bank account.
But that sucks about Santander. It looks like it's a mixed bag and depends on which branch you actually go to instead of just the bank itself. Good news is that the ATM that always worked for me is pretty common in RJ, so I can walk to one when needed.
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[QUOTE=Guest19;3012492]...
BTW, I was in Brazil month ago, and several days ago my bank declined several transactions originated in Brazil. They waited one month and when tried to use my card.
I used my card only in clubs and respectable restaurants. For my next trip, I am thinking about temporary debit card, which I can cancel after leaving Brazil.[/QUOTE]Another thing you can do is to never use the physical card, but use instead the card in digital form through Google Wallet (or Apple Pay). NFC smartphone payment without the physical card is considered very safe because the card details are not transmitted.
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[QUOTE=XXL;3012612]Another thing you can do is to never use the physical card, but use instead the card in digital form through Google Wallet (or Apple Pay). NFC smartphone payment without the physical card is considered very safe because the card details are not transmitted.[/QUOTE]If you use the chip or tap to pay, your card details are not collected by the machine. Just like Apple Pay, these two methods use a one-time code to transmit payment. Only if you swipe does your number get collected.
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[QUOTE=LoveItHere69;3012422]If they had enough new women to try out I would stay longer like the other countries I had visited. For outdoorsy stuff I go to the Philippines. They have so many islands, beaches, and waterfalls that I love.[/QUOTE]Traveling around will make up for the quantity as you can find girls all over the country.
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The Economist on Brazil.
What are the implications for security for foreigners in Brazil?
The Americas.
Faded dreams.
Brazil's president is losing clout abroad and unpopular at home.
Luiz Inácio Lula the Silva put Brazil on the map, but he hasn't adapted to a changed world.
Jul 3rd 2025.
São Paulo.
On June 22nd, hours after the United States struck Iranian nuclear sites with huge bunker-buster bombs, Brazil's foreign ministry put out a statement. It said that Brazil's government "strongly condemns" the American attack, which it called a "violation of Iran's sovereignty and international law". This strength of language put Brazil at odds with Western democracies, which either supported the strikes or merely expressed concern.
Brazil's friendliness with Iran is set to continue on July 6th and 7th when the BRICS, a group of 11 emerging-market economies including Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, holds a summit in Rio de Janeiro. Iran, which became a member of the BRICS in 2024, is expected to send a delegation. The club is currently chaired by Brazil's president, Luiz Inácio Lula the Silva, known as Lula. Originally, being a member gave Brazil a platform for global influence. Increasingly, it makes Brazil look hostile to the West.
"The more China transforms the BRICS into an instrument of its foreign policy, and the more Russia uses the BRICS to legitimise its war in Ukraine, the harder it will be for Brazil to keep saying it is non-aligned," says Matias Spektor of FGV, a university in São Paulo.
Brazil's diplomats are trying to avoid the problem by focusing the summit on innocuous themes. These include co-operation on health care; the green-energy transition; and maintaining most-favoured nation status, in which countries treat members of the World Trade Organisation equally, as the basis for international trade. They want to avoid chatter on a subject America's president, Donald Trump, hates: a BRICS-led effort to settle trade in local currencies rather than the dollar. As for the Iranians, Brazil's diplomats would probably prefer it if they stayed quiet. "We are in a moment of damage containment more than a moment of creating new instruments," says a senior one.
Brazil's role at the heart of an expanded and more authoritarian-dominated BRICS is part of Lula's increasingly incoherent foreign policy. He has made no effort to forge ties with the United States since Donald Trump took office in January. There is no record of the two men ever meeting in person, making Brazil the largest economy whose leader has not shaken hands with America's president. Instead, Lula courts China. He has met Xi Jinping, China's president, twice in the past year.
Perhaps Lula's most sensible tack has been an attempt to take advantage of the world's loss of trust in America as a trade partner. He has cosied up to Europe and expanded commercial ties. In March he visited Japan, which imports most of its beef from the United States, to promote Brazilian meat. His ministers have met Chinese bureaucrats to discuss ways to increase Brazilian agricultural imports, probably instead of American ones.
But this comes with grandiosity which outruns Brazil's heft. In May Lula was the only leader of a big democracy to attend Russia's commemorations of the end of the second world war. He tried to convince Vladimir Putin that Brazil should mediate an end to the war in Ukraine. Neither Mr Putin nor anyone else listened.
There is little pragmatism closer to home either. Lula does not speak to his Argentine counterpart, Javier Milei, because of ideological differences. When he took office for the third time, in 2023, he embraced Nicolás Maduro, Venezuela's autocrat, despite the country having become a full-fledged dictatorship. Having led the UN mission to stabilize Haiti after an earthquake devastated the country in 2010, Brazil now does little as it collapses into a gangster-run hellscape. Lula appears unwilling or unable to rally neighbors to present a united front against Mr Trump's migrant deportations and tariff war.
In a letter sent to The Economist after this story was first published online, Brazil's foreign minister, Mauro Vieira, pushed back on the idea of foreign-policy incoherence. Among other things, he noted that while chairing the G20 last year Lula "succeeded in the daunting task of promoting consensus among its members, while managing to launch a broad global alliance against hunger and poverty". Mr Viera also said that a "bold proposal for taxing billionaires", put forward at the G20, "may have disturbed a few oligarchs".
Navigating the world stage is made harder by Lula's slipping popularity. During his first two terms, from 2003 to 2010, Brazil reaped the rewards of a commodity boom and he was one of the world's most popular leaders. His domestic strength lent him credibility abroad, and many of his peers saw him as a figurehead for fast-developing economies.
Now the country has shifted to the right. Many Brazilians associate his Workers' Party with corruption after a scandal that saw Lula jailed for over a year (his conviction was later annulled). He built the party on support from trade unions, Catholics and poor recipients of government handouts. In Brazil today evangelical Christianity is booming, employment in agriculture and the gig economy is growing fast, and the right offers handouts too.
Lula's personal approval ratings hover around 40%, the lowest at any point during his three terms. Only 28% of Brazilians say they approve of his government.
Meanwhile, Mr Trump's MAGA movement is closely aligned with Brazil's hard right, led by Jair Bolsonaro, a former president who styles himself a tropical Trump. Mr Bolsonaro is likely to be jailed soon for allegedly plotting a coup to remain in power after losing an election in 2022. He is yet to anoint a successor. But if he does so and the right rallies around that person ahead of the election in 2026, the presidency will be theirs to lose.
Mr Trump freely criticizes other leaders who are much friendlier than Lula. Yet he has said almost nothing about Brazil since taking office in January. That may be because Brazil benefits from something no other large emerging economy possesses: a whopping trade deficit with the United States, amounting to $30 bn in goods and services a year. Mr Trump certainly likes it when other countries buy more from the United States than they sell into it.
But his silence may also be due to the fact that on the most pressing geopolitical matters, like war in Ukraine or the Middle East, Brazil is simply not very important. Lula should stop pretending that it is, and concentrate on matters closer to home.
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How to ask for bareback by whatsapp.
Vagabundo is glad to be your ai chatbot, haha.
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[URL]https://www.economist.com/the-americas/2025/07/31/donald-trumps-unprecedented-attack-on-brazils-judiciary[/URL]
The Americas.
A new assault.
Donald Trump's unprecedented attack on Brazil's judiciary.
He has placed sanctions on the judge leading the prosecution of Jair Bolsonaro, his ideological ally.
Save.
Share.
Summary.
Alexandre de Moraes buttoning up his suit.
Button down the hatchesPhotograph: Dado Galdieri / The New York Times / Redux / Eyevine.
Jul 31st 2025.
São Paulo.
6 min read.
Listen to this story.
"Let this be a warning to those who would trample on the fundamental rights of their countrymen," Marco Rubio, the US secretary of state, posted on X, a social-media service, on July 30th. The would-be human-rights trampler was Alexandre de Moraes, a Brazilian Supreme Court judge. The warning came in the form of sanctions placed on Mr Moraes under the Global Magnitsky Act, freezing his assets in American banks and prohibiting him from entering the United States.
The Magnitsky Act punishes foreign officials for "gross violations of internationally recognised human rights". It has previously been used against genocidal Burmese generals and Russian officials who murdered political dissidents. Mr Moraes has done nothing like that. His most noteworthy act is leading the prosecution of Jair Bolsonaro, Brazil's far-right former president and ally of Donald Trump, who will soon stand trial on charges of plotting a coup to overturn an election he lost in 2022, which he denies.
Targeting a sitting judge in a functioning democracy is unprecedented. The sanctions come days after the State Department revoked the visas of most justices on Brazil's Supreme Court and other officials connected to Mr Bolsonaro's prosecution. In justifying the sanctions Scott Bessent, the treasury secretary, claimed that Mr Moraes was carrying out "an unlawful witch-hunt against US and Brazilian citizens and companies".
Bearing down on Brazil.
After the sanctions were announced, Mr Trump signed an executive order placing tariffs of 50% on many Brazilian imports from August 6th. In the order he cited the "politically motivated persecution, intimidation, harassment, censorship, and prosecution" of Mr Bolsonaro. He did not mention trade imbalances, the usual justification for tariffs, perhaps because Brazil runs a deficit with the United States.
Mr Moraes has been at loggerheads with the Trump administration and its allies since 2019. That year, the court opened what would become known as "the fake-news inquiry" to investigate misinformation on social media that affected "the honour and security of the Supreme Court and its members". The probe was controversial from the beginning. Brazil does not have a legal definition of misinformation. By investigating, prosecuting and ruling on threats against itself, the Supreme Court demonstrated its excessive powers. Mr Moraes was appointed to lead the inquiry, bypassing the usual lottery system.
The probe was meant to last less than a year. Instead, it continues six years later and its remit has expanded to include online disinformation about Brazil's democratic institutions. The probe is sealed, so it is unclear how many social-media accounts Mr Moraes has ordered to be taken down, or why. In April 2024 the judiciary committee of the US Congress published a report showing that Mr Moraes had ordered X to remove at least 88 accounts since 2019, usually without providing justification. In February, Mr Trump's media group and Rumble, a video-sharing platform, sued Mr Moraes, alleging that because his rulings affected Brazilians in the United States, they constituted overreach.
None of Mr Moraes's actions have been illegal on Brazilian terms. He is empowered by Brazil's constitution, one of the world's longest, which covers everything from health care to wages. It also allows Brazil's president, state governors, the country's bar association, trade unions, political parties and other groups to file lawsuits directly with the Supreme Court, instead of having them filter up from lower bodies. The court's 11 justices issued over 114,000 rulings last year alone. To deal with this caseload, individual judges are allowed to make far-reaching decisions. This gives Mr Moraes and his colleagues on the bench enormous power, especially in areas where Brazil's Congress has not legislated. Since it has yet to pass a law regulating social media, much of the enforcement has fallen to the court.
Brazilian speech law is more restrictive than that in the United States. It prohibits discrimination based on race, gender, sexual orientation, religion or "physical or social condition". Penalties for slander, defamation and libel are higher when made against public officials. In 2021, while Mr Bolsonaro was in office, Congress passed a law penalising "crimes against democracy" that include "restricting the exercise of constitutional powers" through serious threats or force. Equipped with this cocktail of laws, Mr Moraes has gone after Mr Bolsonaro and some of his fans.
With flowers on a Sunday.
Those who decry Mr Moraes's pursuit of Mr Bolsonaro seem to ignore the evidence in his prosecution. Bolsonaristas attacked government buildings on January 8th, 2023, after their leader falsely claimed that voting machines had been rigged against him. Mr Bolsonaro's allies make the riot sound like a tea-party. "It was done by old ladies, with Bibles, with flowers, with flags, by the elderly, by children, without tanks, without leaders, on a Sunday," says Rogério Marinho, a senator for Mr Bolsonaro's party. Any cursory search of the riot shows that it was a vandalistic orgy. On December 12th, 2022, when President Luiz Inácio Lula the Silva's victory was certified by Brazil's electoral court, Mr Bolsonaro's supporters set buses and cars alight in Brasilia, the capital. On Christmas Eve one man strapped a bomb to a fuel truck near Brasilia's airport, but it failed to go off.
Mr Bolsonaro's inner circle allegedly considered more thuggish actions to stay in power. According to federal police, his deputy chief of staff, Mario Fernandes, produced a plot to assassinate or kidnap Mr Moraes as well as Lula, as the president is known, and his running-mate before they could take office. The plan was allegedly printed out several times at the presidential palace in the last days of Mr Bolsonaro's administration. It listed weapons to be used, including rifles, machineguns, grenade launchers and anti-tank rocket launchers, as well as chemical weapons to kill Lula in hospital, where he was getting check-ups. On July 24th Mr Fernandes admitted in court that he was the author of the document, but called it a habitual "risk analysis" and claimed that he had printed it out to avoid straining his eyes. He said that he did not share it with anybody.
Police also allege that lawyers close to Mr Bolsonaro drew up a decree that would have called a bogus state of emergency to in effect annul the 2022 election. On June 10th Mr Bolsonaro admitted before the Supreme Court that he had called meetings in the presidential palace to discuss the possibility of declaring a state of emergency after losing the vote. He said he quickly abandoned the idea, which received pushback from generals.
Messrs Rubio, Trump and Bessent may think that putting pressure on Mr Moraes will liberate Mr Bolsonaro. Yet their novel use of the Magnitsky Act could backfire. Lula now frames the Bolsonaro clan as "traitors". Most Brazilians agree. Mr Moraes, who is accustomed to receiving death threats, is hard to intimidate. On the day the sanctions were announced he flew to São Paulo to watch his favourite football team play a match.
